Caption: Istanbul, Credit: Anton Foek
Image by: Anton Foek 
Istanbul 

Shame On Holland Again

From: Anton Foek
Length: 07:14

In Nederland willen we eerlijk en open met elkaar omgaan. Maar als het aan het Openbaar Ministerie ligt wordt daar grof en oneerlijk onderscheid in gemaakt. Neem de zaak Huseyin Baybasin, de zaak van een Koerdisch zakenman, die volgens zijn advocaat Adele van der Plas onterecht levenslang in de gevangenis in Nederland zit op beschuldiging van valse feiten en vervalste telefoontaps. Luister naar haar verhaal en dat van prof. Buruma, onlangs tot lid van de Hoge Raad benoemd. Read the full description.

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Huseyin Baybasin June 25 1956 is a Kurdish businessman and  member of one of the most prominent families in south-east Turkey. He was conscripted into military service served in a special army unit. By his own account, he performed a variety of clandestine assignments for the Turkish state, such as acting as an informant and heroin trader. Baybasin was arrested in Istanbul in 1976 with 11 kilos of heroin on him.

His activities for the Turkish state came to an end in 1984 after being imprisoned in England. The Turkish government intervened and he was set free. He refused however to resume his old network of informing. Instead he became increasingly involved in Kurdish political affairs, and helped found the Kurdish parliament in exile in Brussels.

Baybasin emphatically denies ever having performed clandestine activities for the Kurdish resistance. He claims that he and other influential Kurds had urged PKK leader Öcalan to abandon the armed struggle.

His public profile in Turkey had risen steadily and he  became state enemy number 2 after PKK leader Öcalan.

The Turkish state considered Baybasin a deadly enemy from the early 1990s. He claims a joint involvement with the Turkish state in the drugs trade. A former Turkish secret service employee said in a statement to Baybasin’s lawyers that his bosses had been attempting to ‘remove’ Kurdish businessmen and criminals who supported the PKK. Several Kurdish leaders were killed. Baybasin, himself once a Turkish state informant, was also in line to be murdered, according to this whistle blower and former secret agent. Baybasin did have direct contact with the PKK. This source also mentions Baybasin’s statements in the media on Turkish state involvement in the drugs trade.

Until 1996 statements about links between organized crime and the Turkish government were an absolute taboo. Then the Susurluk incident, an unhappy road accident as far as the government is concerned, happened. Underworld boss Abdullah Çatli, a leading ruling party politician, the Istanbul police chief and a top model were travelling together in a limousine. ‘Susurluk’ marked the point at which the close-knit interests of the Turkish state and organized crime were no longer taboo in Turkey. One scoop after the other of relationships between the drugs mafia and the Turkish government.

And Baybasin took great risks when he started to speak about Turkish corruption in the media long before the Susurluk incident. The Turkish secret service got involved and accused him of several criminal acts. His attorney, Adèle van der Plas, says he narrowly escaped several murder attempts by paramilitary commandos in the 1980s and 1990s. Baybasin finally disappeared from the scene in Turkey to re-emerge as an asylum seeker in the Netherlands in the 1990s.

Turkey requested Baybasin’s extradition in 1995 as a member of the PKK.

The case file consists almost entirely of telephone taps. Some 6000 of Baybasin’s telephone calls were monitored between September 1997 and March 1998. The calls were in English, Turkish and in some extremely hard-to-understand Kurdish dialects. The Court of Appeal based its conclusion that Baybasin had ordered up to two murders almost entirely on the basis of those telephone calls. Baybasin denies these allegations, and insists that the telephone calls were tampered with. Baybasin’s and his lawyers’ great frustration is that they were never given the opportunity to allow experts finally to determine whether their suspicions were justified. The Public Prosecution Service says that all the commotion over phone tapping during the Baybasin case is unfounded, because manipulation had never been demonstrated.

 

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Piece Description

Huseyin Baybasin June 25 1956 is a Kurdish businessman and  member of one of the most prominent families in south-east Turkey. He was conscripted into military service served in a special army unit. By his own account, he performed a variety of clandestine assignments for the Turkish state, such as acting as an informant and heroin trader. Baybasin was arrested in Istanbul in 1976 with 11 kilos of heroin on him.

His activities for the Turkish state came to an end in 1984 after being imprisoned in England. The Turkish government intervened and he was set free. He refused however to resume his old network of informing. Instead he became increasingly involved in Kurdish political affairs, and helped found the Kurdish parliament in exile in Brussels.

Baybasin emphatically denies ever having performed clandestine activities for the Kurdish resistance. He claims that he and other influential Kurds had urged PKK leader Öcalan to abandon the armed struggle.

His public profile in Turkey had risen steadily and he  became state enemy number 2 after PKK leader Öcalan.

The Turkish state considered Baybasin a deadly enemy from the early 1990s. He claims a joint involvement with the Turkish state in the drugs trade. A former Turkish secret service employee said in a statement to Baybasin’s lawyers that his bosses had been attempting to ‘remove’ Kurdish businessmen and criminals who supported the PKK. Several Kurdish leaders were killed. Baybasin, himself once a Turkish state informant, was also in line to be murdered, according to this whistle blower and former secret agent. Baybasin did have direct contact with the PKK. This source also mentions Baybasin’s statements in the media on Turkish state involvement in the drugs trade.

Until 1996 statements about links between organized crime and the Turkish government were an absolute taboo. Then the Susurluk incident, an unhappy road accident as far as the government is concerned, happened. Underworld boss Abdullah Çatli, a leading ruling party politician, the Istanbul police chief and a top model were travelling together in a limousine. ‘Susurluk’ marked the point at which the close-knit interests of the Turkish state and organized crime were no longer taboo in Turkey. One scoop after the other of relationships between the drugs mafia and the Turkish government.

And Baybasin took great risks when he started to speak about Turkish corruption in the media long before the Susurluk incident. The Turkish secret service got involved and accused him of several criminal acts. His attorney, Adèle van der Plas, says he narrowly escaped several murder attempts by paramilitary commandos in the 1980s and 1990s. Baybasin finally disappeared from the scene in Turkey to re-emerge as an asylum seeker in the Netherlands in the 1990s.

Turkey requested Baybasin’s extradition in 1995 as a member of the PKK.

The case file consists almost entirely of telephone taps. Some 6000 of Baybasin’s telephone calls were monitored between September 1997 and March 1998. The calls were in English, Turkish and in some extremely hard-to-understand Kurdish dialects. The Court of Appeal based its conclusion that Baybasin had ordered up to two murders almost entirely on the basis of those telephone calls. Baybasin denies these allegations, and insists that the telephone calls were tampered with. Baybasin’s and his lawyers’ great frustration is that they were never given the opportunity to allow experts finally to determine whether their suspicions were justified. The Public Prosecution Service says that all the commotion over phone tapping during the Baybasin case is unfounded, because manipulation had never been demonstrated.

 

Additional Credits

Wim van de Pol